[Lasa] Indigenous resistance is the new 'terrorism'
Marc Becker
marc at yachana.org
Sun Jul 10 20:25:25 PDT 2011
Indigenous resistance is the new 'terrorism'
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/06/201162995115833636.html
In Ecuador, protesting for the rights of the Earth and trying to
preserve natural resources may make you a "terrorist".
Manuela Picq Last Modified: 10 Jul 2011 12:44
If you thought there was anything romantic about environmental activism
or indigenous rights, think twice. Socialist ideas about nature - such
as keeping water a public good - can get you facing charges of sabotage
by a leftist government. In the land of the Incas, if you protect the
pachamama ["Mother World"], you might just be a "terrorist".
It's becoming tricky to identify "terrorists", at least in Ecuador. They
are not members of criminal organisations, they don't spread fear or
target civilians, nor have a politically motivated agenda. According to
President Correa, "terrorists" are those opposing Ecuador's development.
So today's "terrorism" might just look like indigenous peoples
peacefully taking over the streets, with their ancestral knowledge and
values, to demand environmental and social rights.
In Ecuador, "terrorists" are indigenous peoples from the Amazon and the
Andean highlands fighting to preserve access to water in their
communities. Old penal codes written in times of dictatorship are being
revived by leftist presidents to repress indigenous activists. As
"terrorists", they are labelled as enemies of the state, and arrested -
by the very president that claimed leftist credentials and staged his
inauguration in overtly ethnic style.
When the Continental Summit of Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities of
Abya Yala gathered delegations from the entire hemisphere in Ecuador
last month, the focus was on the criminalisation of environmental protest.
Abya Yala, which means "continent of life" in the language of the
Panamanian Kuna peoples, refers to the Americas. The summit has
consolidated ethnic organising capacity across borders since it first
organised in 1990, maintaining a diversity of indigenous voices from
Canada and the US all the way to Honduras, Guatemala, Argentina and Chile.
This fifth meeting was symbolically held in Cuenca, where the last Inca
died of smallpox - brought from Europe - years before the Spaniards
themselves made it to the Andes. This year's topic was water - yakumama
in Quechua, and the earth - pachamama, echoing the growing environmental
pressures on rural communities.
But the week's true highlight was the establishment of an independent,
transnational Ethics Tribunal.
Modelled on a "truth commission", the Ethics Tribunal was designed as a
public court to bring visibility to injustices and foster government
accountability towards international human and indigenous rights. It was
specifically established to address cases of criminalisation of
indigenous protest for environmental justice.
On June 22, a four-judge tribunal heard multiple expert reports - as
well as 17 personal testimonies - taking more than four hours on the
issue.
According to Ecuador's Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities, there
are currently 189 cases of people accused of sabotage and terrorism by
the Ecuadorian government, for protesting the privatisation of natural
resources. The situation is so critical that Amnesty International
issued a statement denouncing it as an attempt to silence opposition to
government policies.
Cases vary in context, but not in substance. In Cochapata, community
members were condemned to eight years in jail on charges of terrorism
for opposing mining - the government has so far ignored the amnesty
granted by the constitutional assembly. A radio station in the Amazon
province of Morona Santiago, Radio Canela, was shut down in April for
fueling opposition.
Silencing the opposition
The most prominent cases relate to the accusation and illegal arrest of
some of the most visible indigenous leaders in Ecuador - Pepe Acacho,
Marlon Santi, Delfin Tenesaca and Marco Guatemal. The four heads of
national indigenous organisations were accused of sabotage for
participating in marches against laws to privatise water during a 2010
summit of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas in the indigenous
town of Otavalo, where leftist presidents discussed continental
multiculturalism without inviting indigenous organisations.
All cases reveal a state-led effort to silence indigenous protest to
protect access to clean water.
Using so-called "anti-terror" laws to silence indigenous struggles over
natural resources is not a new strategy. Chile, for instance, has
extensively used anti-terror laws created under the Pinochet regime to
criminalise Mapuche protests over lumber. Canada has also responded to
opposition against resource extraction on native land in Ontario by
incarcerating the protesters.
What is news is that a leftist president - who has repeatedly fallen
back on ethno-politics to increase his legitimacy - is using forms of
martial law inherited from past military regimes to destroy indigenous
calls for environmental justice.
The irony is that President Correa, a political ally of Evo Morales and
Hugo Chavez against North American hegemony, maintains a strong
discourse of environmental justice for the Global South. Not only has
his administration pioneered international norms by granting new rights
to nature in the 2008 Constitution, but it strongly supported the
World's People's Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother
Earth held in Bolivia in 2010.
Yet President Correa started using laws codified in the 1920s and 1970s,
including the Doctrine of National Security designed by the military
dictatorship, to persecute indigenous opposition. He created a state of
emergency, calling upon the armed forces to intervene when internal
security might be threatened, and he has already shown a willingness to
use them.
Proposed legislation to increase jail time for stopping traffic is a
direct attempt to disrupt traditional forms of indigenous protest, which
often rely on marches and road-blocks.
Correa's government, which was elected under a mantle of social justice,
has also silenced his opposition through legal and military violence and
manipulating judicial mechanisms to repress dissidents. The most recent
referendum expanded the executive grasp on the judicial apparatus,
making it even more dangerous to oppose his neoliberal stance on natural
resources.
Ecuador's indigenous movement, often described as the strongest in Latin
America, has been strongly targeted as the main opposition to Correa's
neoliberal agenda with regards to water.
Last year's proposed Water and Mining Laws to further privatise access
to water and expand mining concessions was stopped only by indigenous
mobilisation. Extractive policies are at a peak, with close to two
thousand mining concessions, according to the Ministry of Energy and Mines.
Despite Correa's best efforts to silence indigenous claims, one cannot
but recall Bolivia's water wars a decade ago. Multinational
participation in the privatisation of water led to widespread street
protests, and the more the government repressed protest the more
tensions escalated until Cochabamba exploded in conflict.
Indigenous peoples have been struggling for survival on their lands for
centuries - they are not about to let water go. Instead, the
confrontation seems to be worsening.
As things intensify, the indigenous peoples of Ecuador will continue to
take their protest to the streets. They will also focus on organising
international pressure on their government. The Ethics Tribunal will not
run out of work anytime soon.
Manuela Picq has just completed her time as a visiting professor and
research fellow at Amherst College. She is returning to the Amazon this
autumn to continue her research on indigenous peoples' rights.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not
necessarily represent Al Jazeera's editorial policy.
Source: Al Jazeera
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